Surfing the wave of fake news, the rise of fascism in Brazil is already threatening human rights – and quietly signaling the international assault of the country’s natural resources. It’s just a matter of electing one of the dumbest conservatives ever
Ahead of its most difficult election, Brazil is completely divided. Half of the country is taken by hatred, the other is taken by fear. Drowned in recession, corruption scandals and increasing unemployment rates, this polarisation is fueled by disinformation and hate speech via social media and the instant message app WhatsApp.
Surprisingly, though, this is no longer a fight between left and right wing parties: in a couple of days, Brazilians will decide between democracy and a 2.0 version of a dictatorship.
Democracy in Brazil is only 30 years old, since the end of a civil-military dictatorship that started in 1964. Back in the day, hundreds of people were killed or disappeared, and detention and torture were a reality for many of those classified as “communists”.
Now, another frightening episode of the country’s history might start, under the same ideological excuse.
It seems unreasonable, but in times when fake news are everywhere, Brazil is the perfect scenario for a sort of political revival, combining a complex crisis with massive levels of disinformation.
Jair Bolsonaro, the so-called “myth”, from the Social Liberal Party (PSL), is the face of this fake move. The retired captain of the armed forces is a far-right lawmaker who has been in congress for 28 years, with only two projects approved by the parliament. His role in politics has been basically focused on insulting minorities and his congress mates, as well as advocating for firearms and more flexible laws for the army and the police forces to “act”. For him, the biggest problem of dictatorship in Brazil was that many people were tortured – instead of being killed straight away.
On the other side, there is Fernando Haddad, candidate from the Workers’ Party. Known as PT, the Workers’ Party is a traditional moderate-leftist group led by ex-president Lula da Silva (2003-2011), who has been imprisoned since April, allegedly for corruption. Two years ago, another PT president, Dilma Roussef, was impeached, which many consider the beginning of the “coup” the country would be facing. PT historically provokes intense feelings amongst Brazilians, ranging from love and blind fidelity to absolute hatred.
With all these emotional vibes, smartphones are seriously interfering in the election polls, to the point that half of the country is about to vote for Bolsonaro, in a delusion of a “communist menace”, “corruption levels never seen before” and “minorities being privileged”.
Lies, denials and massive attacks against his opponent, Haddad, are legitimizing the low level of the political debate in the country. Irrational and aggressive, Bolsonaro has declared absurd things throughout his political life.
He said he would not rape a congresswoman because she didn’t “deserve it” for being “too ugly”; he would rather his son to be dead than gay; and that minorities “should bend to the majorities and adapt, or simply vanish”, for example.
Bolsonaro has been campaigning among his followers since 2014, when the possibility of him running for president started to grow on social media. He did not draw too much attention in the past, when he was considered by many as a lunatic. However, in these uncertain times, his seed has finally sprouted – quite similar to Hitler’s ascent. His campaign slogan is actually a literal translation of the Nazi one, “Deutschland Über Alles”: “Brasil acima de tudo” [Brazil above all]. Encouraging violence against minorities and targeting communism as “the enemy”, he found echoes of his ignorance in a desperation environment, exactly like nazi Germany. David Duke, former Grand Wizard of Ku Klux Klan, publicly endorsed Bolsonaro’s candidacy saying that the candidate sounds like KKK members.
The surreal eminence of electing someone like Bolsonaro, when fascism seems to be getting back to many democratic countries, is dangerous.
That seems an odd recipe in a mixed-race society, but it seems to be working: combine simple solutions of fascism in a diverse culture, the cruel business behind Brazilian evangelical churches, concentrated media ownership between a few millionaire groups and structural educational issues.
The novelty here is that Bolsonaro’s toxic ideas can easily reach anyone. Fact-checkers have been working hard to debunk false information, and Facebook and Google are deleting content, pages and users (amongst robots and humans). But the efforts to curb falsehood seem ineffective at this point, as Brazil’s Supreme Court is clearly compliant with the situation.
As a result, people are cruelly being prepared to harass each other, and the country’s many social movements are now painted as enemies. Bolsonaro has recently said he would not “allow activism”, labelling “terrorists” groups like MST (Landless Workers’ Movement, that claims rural land reform) and MTST (Homeless Workers’ Movement, similar to MST, but acting in the urban areas). Like them, other groups like LGBT, indigenous, blacks and feminists are all considered a threat to the “law-abiding citizen”. For Bolsonaro, all these groups worship “communism”.
Somehow these misconceptions became common sense amongst his followers.
During one of his rallies in September, Bolsonaro was stabbed in the stomach by a lunatic, who fake news tried to relate to PT straight away. That did not catch, but the attack actually helped increasing the captain’s advantage on polls. The candidate’s medical conditions were used to justify his absence from television debates – something he is terrible at. Since then, Bolsonaro has been receiving the press at his house and recording videos to go viral on WhatsApps – and although he does not go to debates for his “health issues”, he’s still going to supporters rallies.
That’s how he has communicated with voters: from his house in Rio, sending videos and giving interviews for selected media outlets and journalists. Avoiding face-to-face confrontation with Haddad and giving no explanation about his government plan (which he can’t explain anyway) is just doubly convenient. His sons (also politicians), his ally base and the millions of fans and robots make sure to interfere with the established media agenda via fake news.
Last week, Bolsonaro was accused of having a criminal industry of fake news favouring his campaign on WhatsApp, funded by several entrepreneurs.
Brazilian electoral legislation considers the practice illegal, since these donations are undeclared. According to newspaper Folha de São Paulo, digital marketing agencies would be illegally using client databases to address the messages, a service offered in “packages”. Bolsonaro’s supporter companies would be paying something around US$3 million each to flood WhatsApp groups with content.
Electoral Supreme Court and Federal Police accepted the case, but chances of Bolsonaro’s candidacy being stopped seem minimal.
The real ghosts
This dystopic scenario is deeply messing with people’s lives, on the streets and in the core of families, which helps to distract from other types of interest: from natural resources exploitations to fading of workforce laws and the boom of privatizations.
When the US brings up the possibility of a military intervention in Venezuela and northern Brazilian states receive an increasing flow of poor immigrants, Bolsonaro’s intentions are quite convenient for some international players.
Latin America holds one-fifth of the oil on earth, with Venezuela leading the world ranking of largest proven reserves. Brazil, second in the continent oil ranking, discovered off its Atlantic coast the world’s top offshore oil asset in 2007. Petrobras, the strongest estate company of the country, lost its exclusive right to operate in this deep-water area after the controversial impeachment of Dilma Roussef. Even with clean records, the former PT president was banned for an illegal “fiscal maneuver” – according to the same magistrates that now sleep while Bolsonaro does whatever he wants.
The Amazon rainforest in the north, and the Guarani Aquifer (world’s second largest aquifer system, beneath southern Brazil, Argentina and Uruguay), for example, are also valuable prizes for those who benefit from the country’s instability. Indigenous and forest communities are scared. We should all be scared.
It adds to the fact that Bolsonaro has announced his intention to pull Brazil, the richest biodiverse nation, out of the Paris Climate Agreement.
What could go wrong, right?
The stock market is also excited with all that, responding through volatile currencies after every new election poll. Brazilian equity gauge Ibovespa surges whenever Bolsonaro appears on top.
They are also certain Bolsonaro’s neoliberal plan (which, again, he has no capacity to explain) will boost privatisation of the country’s many state companies.
It should sound weird that the military candidate, as a patriot who defends estate interventionism, would agree with selling away those companies just like that, but apparently, that doesn’t bother the market. As Bolsonaro keeps repeating it, he changed his mind with time, and now he is “a conservative regarding values, a liberal regarding economy”. OK.
Whilst speculation market seems quite confident about Bolsonaro, this is not the message United Nations and international press have been sending to Brazil.
Two months ago, when Lula was banned from running this election (yes, he tried that, and he was leading all the poll simulations even from jail), the UN Human Rights Commission requested Brazilian government to take “all necessary measures to ensure that Lula can enjoy and exercise his political rights while in prison, as a candidate in the 2018 presidential elections”, according to the specialist panel statement.
Bolsonaro, with his human-rights-for-the-right-humans mentality reacted calling UN “a reunion of communists”, and threatened pulling Brazil out of the signatory countries group.
Just another diplomatic suicide preview.
Back in reality, the Brazilian Supreme Court reduced UN’s request to the status of “recommendation”, refusing to liberate the Lula, who remains confined and inaccessible for journalists until today.
PT did not step back, and that’s why Haddad, once his vice-president candidate, is now running against Bolsonaro.
Due to Lula’s uncertain eligibility until mid-September, his running-mate candidacy was only defined after all other candidates had already started their campaigns. Minister of Education during Lula’s government and ex-mayor of São Paulo, Haddad, a university lecturer, wasn’t really well-known all over the country. However, after PT’s desperate attempts to quickly associate him with the image of Lula, Haddad grew quickly and became the main name to defeat Bolsonaro after the first round. At the same time, he also had to face a huge rejection because, as said before, the Workers’ Party has historically being a love-or-hate matter in Brazil.
Haddad’s main challenge has been to convince those many who reject both Bolsonaro and the Workers’ Party, but still agree that democracy is the only reasonable choice.
His battle against time might work, but two days ahead of the election, it is still hard to say.
Bolsonaro is still leading the polls, but the tension is getting too real on the streets.
Largely despised by women voters for his misogynist comments, Bolsonaro is the “him” in the #NotHim (#EleNão) movement.
Created by two girls, the Facebook group Women United Against Bolsonaro spread the hashtag a couple of months ago, and that quickly gained the status of movement all over Brazil. Soon, not only feminists, but anyone that saw the danger posed by Bolsonaro embraced the cause. The more the #EleNão gained visibility, the more Bolsonaro followers bullied opponents, virtual and physically. Numerous attacks, (including deaths) for political reasons have been visibly targeting minorities and non-Bolsonaro followers. A sad display of the worst of humanity.
The Brazilian Association of Investigative Journalists (Abraji) stated that more than 130 attacks were performed against journalists in the country for political reasons in 2018. Censorship is also becoming a reality in newsrooms and universities.
Solid reasons to believe fascism will only grow, no matter who wins the election. Without a trustworthy Supreme Court, political and police forces, all citizens, including Bolsonaro voters, are being left on their own. The promises of an anti-establishment “myth” that will save people from corruption and “communism”, once again, is fooling Brazilians.
Pointing his fingers like guns, Bolsonaro has recently suggested that PT followers should be all shot.
Millions of Brazilians now can’t see the problem with that and truly believe the “myth” will change the country for good. But chances are he won’t even remain in power. Bolsonaro’s lack of understanding about most of the country’s issues and global dynamics won’t allow him to run Brazil for too long. That only makes the future even scarier: his running mate, Hamilton Mourao, is another ultra-conservative military, and his comments are scary as.
The scenario couldn’t be more unpredictable.
It still seems unlikely that the generalized insanity and the neglect of justice institutions will give Brazilians a second chance in the runoff, but news (real and fake) are changing perspectives every day.
The good thing is that the fear of repression is turned into resistance. From #EleNao, massive rallies against Bolsonaro all over the country are impacting public opinion.
There are many voices out there, from human rights and environmental organizations to international press, intellectuals, scientists and artists worldwide. Groups and parties in Brazil that historically diverged are also uniting forces.
Video: #EleNão in a rally at Lapa (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil)
Whatever happens this Sunday, one thing for sure is that democratic principles are in danger, be the next president Bolsonaro or Haddad.
The choice is between risking this weak democracy straight away or giving it a chance to recover and resist the in-and-outside pressures.